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This video has timestamped descriptions to allow viewers to jump to particular topics and sections. Links will open the video in YouTube.
Who are you and what’s your connection with the La Bancada Municipalista (The Municipalist Legislators? 0:24
Can you explain what Municipalism is? 02:11
What specific social project does municipalism suggest? 3:48
What group of political forces make up or represent the municipalist movement in Madrid? 5:33
What other municipalist battles are on the table? 7:29
Can you explain what the process is like for a group of people on the endorsed list to end up governing a council? 8:45
When was Manuela Carmena first suggested as the head of the Ahora Madrid list? 13:06
How is La Bancada related to Ahora Madrid? 13:39
Why the name La Bancada Municipalista (The Municipalist Legislators)? 16:50
Who makes up La Bancada Municipalista? 17:55
What’s the distinguishing mark of La Bancada? 18:57
In the Manifesto that you’ve shared on the web, you signal that La Bancada got a feeling of apathy from its experience with Ahora Madrid. What have you learned from that experience that serves now as limits for La Bancada? 20:26
Thinking about the text from the January 29th meeting stating that La Bancada was born as a regrouping of strengths, from a procedural and representative frustration, can you contextualize this “frustration” that has been experienced? 21:05
The same report says that the net impact of Ahora Madrid’s cycle has not been positive, emphasizing as the worst errors “the inability to avoid the appropriation by a few people of a collective project, the failure to complete the electoral plan, and the lack of willingness to implement politics of real transformation.” From what you’ve learned, what mechanisms should be implemented in the council to avoid the repetition of these errors? 26:30
In the same text, there’s a certain sense of distrust towards the Institution, but no position is specified regarding them. Can you explain how La Bancada conceives of an Institution under municipalist conditions? 28:56
It seems like Institution is somewhat disinclined to think of itself as a tool co-managed by the public. In your experience, have you observed any problem with this co-management model? 33:26
Considering that La Bancada spreads out in various fronts (feminist, anticapitalist, environmentalist, antiracist), how do you make decisions within La Bancada? 36:50
How does La Bancada assure the representation and active participation of the public? 37:51
And how do you ensure good outreach in the neighborhoods or among older people who aren’t online? 39:16
How do you see the pronounced lack of immigrants in the reality of some social collectives? 40:28
And how do you see the participation of young people? 42:09
What does La Bancada understand as “common goods”? 42:49
When we talk about re-municipalizing public services, what are we talking about? 44:26
What issues are there still to be worked on in municipalism? 44:56
Considering the climate of political discontent and insecurity, can you describe how you sustain your hope and energy to bring yourself to participate in this new coalition? 47:35

2015 was a year of surprises. After years of work, very diverse sectors were mobilized with the purpose of forming a municipalist candidacy. The objective was to demonstrate in the ballot box the power of a movement capable of organizing itself beyond the classic party lines. We have to remember that that process was full of singularities. One that stood out the most was that, for the first time in decades, a good number of activists from diverse movements decided to prove themselves in the electoral sphere with the goal of taking the Council of Madrid away from those traditionally in power. By “traditional” powers we don’t just mean the successors of the Partido Popular (Popular Party), we also refer to large corporations and a complex mesh of political and business power made up of political parties, financial interests, and business owners large and small.

This political proposal has been elaborated surrounding 3 great axes. The first was that the municipalist movement must be configured as a diverse and respectful space with internal balances for majorities and minorities, with the knowledge that any meaningful piece that was missing would ruin our opportunity to reorient the political direction of the city. The second axis was that the candidacy would function in a radically democratic way, always linked to the most active political realities. The third axis was that the candidacy would approach institutions with an elaborate program backed by thousands of people. This program aimed to present the best alternative proposals related to topics such as the urban model, housing politics, the defense of historical patrimony, radical democracy, and re-municipalization projects aimed at recuperating public control of municipal services. These proposals had been developed over the course of decades and finally materialized in the 2015 electoral program.

For many of the more active sectors of local movements (related to the neighborhood, housing, environmentalism, feminism, or the union movement) the arrival of Ahora Madrid was an exceptional moment. It finally seemed possible to transform a large part of their sustained efforts at social change into a reality after years of work. Four years later, however, the situation is very different. Today there is a significant separation between government officials and the electoral base and social movements that pushed for them to be elected in 2015. At the same time, most of its electoral programming has ended up useless. As a consequence, movements and people that supported the initiative have distance themselves or broken connection with Ahora Madrid. That is the context in which La Bancada Municipalista (The Municipalist’s Bench) was born.

La Bancada Municipalista is a new municipalist wave in Madrid for the 2019 elections, which focuses less on who will actually have a seat in the municipal group.  This new municipalist wave must be launched with bravery and without insecurity. It has to do with reconstructing a project from the ground up, where the defense of the project comes above all else– its acronym, its participants, and the great economic interests that govern our city. This cause motivates us to harness collective struggle in order to formulate a new process based on solidarity, empathy with disadvantaged social classes, and the fight against the conservative and economic norms that rule the municipal institution. It is an effort that will return the city to its inhabitants, where all are treated as equals, and structuring it in favor of the citizens who need it the most. The Madrid brand, its discourse of good management and excellence, should not impose its background of commercialism on a city that wants to govern itself and reclaim its rights. Source